Bank of America touts diverse staff in new trove of employee statistics – American Banker

Bank of America touts diverse staff in new trove of employee statistics - American Banker nevin manimala

Bank of America executives are often asked about the makeup of its workforce. They now have a 23-page answer.

The lender has boosted the percentage of women and people of color among senior management and hired thousands of people from low- and moderate-income communities, it said Wednesday in a report touting its diversity, competitive pay and benefits. Bank of America said it has a more diverse workforce than its financial-services peers, based on U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission data. The report is the first of its kind for the company.

“It’s not left to chance,” Chief Executive Officer Brian Moynihan told a group of Latino business executives last month when asked about building a more diverse workforce. “The big companies have no excuse. You can do it just by saying, ‘We’re going to do it,’ but it takes planning.”

Bank of America touts diverse staff in new trove of employee statistics - American Banker nevin manimalaBloomberg News

In the wake of the financial crisis, banks have come under scrutiny by elected officials, investors and the public. The chiefs of the largest U.S. lenders faced a grilling from lawmakers in April on topics from wages to gender equality and diversity, and bank CEOs have shown more willingness to engage on political and societal issues.

Women accounted for 33% of the lender’s executives and senior managers last year, up just 1 percentage point from 2015, based on Equal Employment Opportunity Commission categories. People of color comprised 18% of the top ranks, compared with 15% three years earlier. According to Bank of America’s own classifications, women represented 42% of upper management, up from 33%.

Bank of America committed in the report to equal pay for equal work, and has consulted with external experts on measuring compensation equity. In the U.K., the firm’s median gender pay gap was 29.2% last year, down from 30.5% in 2017, showing that fewer women make it to the highest-paying roles.

This year, rival Citigroup became the first major U.S. company to disclose its unadjusted pay gap for its entire workforce, revealing that female employees earn 29% less than men do. Among its U.S. employees, people of color earned 7% less than their white colleagues. Bank of America doesn’t release comparable figures.

The Charlotte, North Carolina-based lender said this month it would raise its minimum wage to $20 by the end of the first quarter. Bank of America must produce strong results while driving societal progress, Moynihan has said.

Bloomberg News

U.N. Expert Clarifies Statistic On U.S. Detention Of Migrant Children – NPR

U.N. Expert Clarifies Statistic On U.S. Detention Of Migrant Children - NPR nevin manimala
U.N. Expert Clarifies Statistic On U.S. Detention Of Migrant Children - NPR nevin manimala

The author of a sweeping new U.N. study on the detaining and jailing of children worldwide acknowledges that he erred in saying the U.S. is holding more than 100,000 children in migration-related detention. The author, human rights lawyer Manfred Nowak, says he wasn’t aware at the time that the number was from 2015. He adds that it reflected the number of children detained during the entire year.

Nowak acknowledges that his use of the statistic was misleading, but he also maintains that his main point about the U.S. having high incarceration and detention rates for children still stands. In an interview with NPR on Wednesday, he said he was citing a number from the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.

“I used the UNHCR data because it was the last UNHCR figure that was published, and that goes back to the year 2015,” Nowak said. “And I haven’t checked it that clearly in the press conference. So that was, of course, misleading.”

Nowak mentioned the number on Monday, as he discussed the U.N.-sponsored Global Study on Children Deprived of Liberty at a news conference in Geneva.

Referring to children who were detained by the U.S. after arriving at the border either unaccompanied or with their parents, Nowak said earlier this week:

“The United States is one of the countries with the highest numbers. We have more than, still more than 100,000 children in migration-related detention in the United States of America. So that’s far more than all the other countries where we have reliable figures.”

His comments were reported Tuesday by multiple news outlets, including NPR, which removed its story when Nowak’s error became apparent.

Revelations that the U.S. detention statistic dated to the Obama administration drew intense attention because as he spoke about the detention figure, Nowak also pointedly criticized the Trump administration’s policies of separating children from their parents at the border.

“I would call it inhuman treatment for both the parents and the children,” he said on Monday, adding that he believes the policy runs afoul of several international civil rights treaties.

In the U.S., children who arrive at the border unaccompanied are placed in the custody of the Department of Health and Human Services, through its Unaccompanied Alien Children program and the Office of Refugee Resettlement.

HHS says that over the 2019 financial year, approximately 69,550 unaccompanied children were referred to the UAC program. In its most recent news release about the number of minors in its care, the agency adds that since 2012, “this number has jumped dramatically.”

HHS currently has approximately 3,900 children in its custody through the UAC program, the agency says in an email to NPR.

“The system-wide average length of care for minors discharged from ORR in the month of September 2019 is 57 days, down from the recent high of 93 days in November 2018,” the agency says.

HHS also lists the number of children it has unified with a sponsor in recent fiscal years, under both the Trump and Obama administrations:

  • 2013-14 – 53,515
  • 2014-15 – 27,840
  • 2015-16 – 52,147
  • 2016-17 – 42,497
  • 2017-18 – 34,815
  • 2018-19 – 72,593

When asked about the latest HHS figures, Nowak says, “So perhaps it’s really down now to 69,000. That’s fine — but again, it’s much higher than other states that detain children in migration-related detention. So it’s still the highest number. So I think the main message remains the same.”

As for how he came to quote data from 2015 — the year before he was selected to lead the U.N.’s global study on child detentions — Nowak said he was trying to answer one of the first questions at Monday’s news conference, which focused on the U.S. detention of children as part of its migration policies.

“I received quick info from my assistant, where he said that’s the latest data that we have,” Nowak says. “But I didn’t know at that moment that it was [from] 2015. If I would have known that, I would not have mentioned it, because that’s some time ago.”

The 2015 statistic does not appear in his global study’s section on the U.S., Nowak notes. And he adds that he stands by the figures that are compiled in his report.

“Whatever you read in the report is definitely accurate,” Nowak says, adding, “we really checked it very, very well.”

To compile the study, Nowak and his researchers sorted through official records and statistics from advocacy groups and countries’ replies. They also sent out questionnaires. Nowak said on Monday that the U.S. didn’t respond to his team’s official requests for data — but he added that many of the numbers they were seeking were publicly available.

The global study’s release coincides with the 30-year anniversary of the adoption of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child. The U.S. signed the agreement but never ratified it; today, the United States is the only country in the world that has not ratified the U.N.’s treaty on children’s rights.

The study includes a key paragraph about the U.S. policy of detaining children in the process of enforcing migration laws, referring to a span that includes both the Trump and Obama administrations:

“In the United States, in a period of 3 years, between 2013 and 2015 immigration authorities detained 278,885 children. Apprehensions (and detention) of children reached a peak between October 2018 and August 2019, the first 11 months of the fiscal year 2019 (fiscal year, FY), when US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) apprehended 72,873 unaccompanied children and 457,871 members of ‘family units’ at or near the US-Mexico border. Between 2013 and 2018, the annual number of apprehensions of unaccompanied children varied between ca. 39,000 and ca. 69,000. The annual number of apprehensions of ‘family units’ varied between ca. 15,000 and 107,000 annually.”

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story – WJHL-TV News Channel 11

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story - WJHL-TV News Channel 11 nevin manimala

(WJHL) – As he reviewed an array of less-than-stellar data about the region at an economic summit in September, East Tennessee State University professor Jon Smith warned against comparisons between the Johnson City and Kingsport-Bristol metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs).

The most accurate “compliment” an outside observer might give to Johnson City in comparison to Kingsport, Smith said, would be “well, you’re not nearly as ugly as your brother.”

Throw the MSAs’ cousin, Southwest Virginia, into the mix and the regional picture looks even worse. Smith addressed the numbers in a recent interview.

“The numbers that I have looked at and my colleagues have looked at that cause us concern are relative to the other communities not only in Tennessee but in the region,” said Smith, who oversees ETSU’s Bureau of Business and Economic Research.

The numbers are indeed grim across a wide range of indicators. From labor force and population to per capita “real GDP” growth and funds deposited in banks, the region has lagged other MSAs, its respective states of Tennessee and Virginia, and the nation during this decade.

“You look at the numbers, and even though there are positive short-term trends, it’s concerning — deeply concerning,” Smith said.

Smith said regional growth — his figures centered around the two Tri-Cities MSAs and didn’t include Virginia — has been ” relatively modest, certainly compared to some of the more robust MSAs in the region like Chattanooga, like Knoxville.”

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story - WJHL-TV News Channel 11 nevin manimalaThe two Tri–Cities MSAs, which contain nearly two-thirds of the region’s population, have seen negative “gross domestic product” growth per capita since 2010.

As goes the population, so go productivity, workforce and capital

Smith said the region’s growth in “real GDP,” a measure of economic output and productivity, has also lagged compared to most metro areas with which the Tri-Cities would compete for jobs, retail development and other growth.

“When you take things like labor force and you add that in, which reflects a productive capacity of the community, and you look at one measure of community wealth, which is gross domestic product per person, we look less successful than many of the other MSAs in our state and in our region.”

Tennessee’s labor force has grown by 5 percent since 2010. Nationally, that number has ticked up by 5.3 percent and Chattanooga’s workforce has grown by 4.7 percent and Asheville, N.C. has 11.7 percent more workers than it did in 2010.

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story - WJHL-TV News Channel 11 nevin manimalaTennessee labor force data shows the region lagging its peers, the state and the country.

Locally, the Johnson City MSA has seen a 4.1 percent decline and the Kingsport MSA has lost 5.3 percent over the same period.

Look north to the 10 Virginia counties from Grayson and Smyth west to Lee and the numbers are downright distressing. Overall, the workforce there has declined by 9.8 percent since 2010, from 140,042 to 126,342.

The worst figures are in the Lenowisco Planning District comprising Lee, Wise and Scott counties and the city of Norton., which has seen a 17 percent drop. Compounding the problem is the area’s labor force participation rate, which is by far the lowest of any region in the state, meaning fewer working-age people are either working or looking for work. For example, Wise County’s rate fell from 56 percent in 2010 to 41.9 percent last year, while the state’s overall rate is 65.6 percent.

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story - WJHL-TV News Channel 11 nevin manimalaSouthwest Virginia has lost about 14,000 workers since 2010.

Yet the area still maintains unemployment rates that, while low by historic standards, are among the highest in Virginia.

When population shrinks and labor force and employment decline, capital flight often follows. That’s reflected in shrinking deposits in the region’s banks and other FDIC-insured financial institutions.

Road to Regionalism: Statistics tell a grim story - WJHL-TV News Channel 11 nevin manimala

All the declining numbers show the region has quite a hill to climb, Smith said. But glimmers of hope exist. Population decline has slowed the past few years, and Washington County, Tenn. has added almost 6,000 people, or 4.6 percent to its population since 2010. Sullivan County lost 600 people between 2010 and 2016 but has gained 1,400 since.

Smith said labor force numbers also appear to be bouncing back some the past few years. “Where we are now relative to where we were in 2016 is a much more positive picture.”

The area is at a crossroads, Smith said, and without a greater push toward regionalism, the chance of those barely positive trends reversing are higher. He cited his home metro of Meridian, Miss., which hasn’t taken a regional approach to economic development and has seen steady population decline.

“If you think things are going to get better and you don’t do anything, trust me, I’ve seen it go the other way,” Smith said.

Conversely, the Tupelo, Miss. metro has experienced steady growth since 2000 and has practiced strategic regional economic development.

That won’t happen here without everyday people buying into a vision that extends beyond economic development to environmental sustainability and community health, Smith said.

“We have some visionary community leaders. I can’t put words in their mouth (but) I think they are trying to influence the most important step, which is the individual resident in the community.”

Numbers, Statistics and Lies: Wisconsin Edition – Corn Nation

Numbers, Statistics and Lies: Wisconsin Edition - Corn Nation nevin manimala

This game was equal measures encouraging and frustrating.

It was encouraging to see the Husker ground game make headway against a very stout Badger defense. If you hold up the offensive statistics and look at them side-by-side, you would have a hard time telling which team won by sixteen – until you get to the red zone opportunities (but you already knew that).

The Huskers had the edge in total offense 493 yards to 482. The Huskers averaged 8.2 yards per play while the Badgers averaged 7.3 yards/play. Both teams averaged more than 7 yards for each rushing attempt. Both passing games were efficient with both teams completing 13 passes with Wisconsin averaging 12.5 yards/completion and Nebraska averaging 16.9 yards/completion. Each team scored 7 points off turnovers. Neither team was heavily penalized (Wiscy 4 for 36 yards and Nebraska 3 for 31 yards).

The glaring difference between the teams was that Wisconsin finished drives and Nebraska did not. The Badgers were 5-5 in red zone scoring chances (two touchdowns and three field goals) while the Huskers were 2-4 in the red zone (2 touchdowns, a missed field goal and a turnover on downs). The Huskers were 0-3 in converting fourth down opportunities.

Special teams was probably the biggest disaster for the Huskers. Giving up a kick return touchdown is never ideal. Not having a reliable field goal kicker hurts as well – a missed field goal and a clear red zone problem with the offense often means zero points instead of three. Nebraska also gave up nearly 9 yards of field position per punt compared to Wisconsin (although each team only punted twice). Wisconsin started on average on their 31 yard line while the Huskers started on their 23.

The Husker defense probably played a bit better than they are given credit for, but they clearly have some work to do. When I say “better”, I really am referring to the fight and grit I saw at times from the Blackshirts. The right attitude seemed to be there most of the time even as other bugaboos (like missed tackles) were evident.

The Huskers made 80 tackles compared to Wisconsin’s 50. However, the location those tackles were made was an issue. Thirty-two of the Badger tackles were solo and 34 of the Husker tackles were solo. That means the Badgers had 18 assisted tackles while Nebraska had 46! The missed tackles total was surprisingly close – Nebraska whiffed 19 times and Wiscy whiffed on 18. The Badgers logged seven tackles for loss, four of them sacks, and four pass breakups. The Blackshirts had ONE tackle for loss, zero sacks, and one pass breakup.

Color Coded Pile of Numbers

The Husker offense continues to show an ability to pile up yards without getting the points to go with the yardage. The red zone issues are something Scott Frost will most likely be spending a lot of time on in the offseason (again – a healthy, reliable field goal kicker would help a lot).

The defense continues to give up yards and points in spades. The amount of experience graduating this year continues to worry me as the youth we will see on the field next season will need some time to gel and develop their communication.

Numbers, Statistics and Lies: Wisconsin Edition - Corn Nation nevin manimala

Looking Ahead to Maryland

Fortunately for Nebraska, Maryland is having a miserable season on offense as well as defense. They can run the ball fairly well, but are even worse than Nebraska in the red zone and in scoring points.

Of course, we know that Nebraska is not a team that has shown an ability to put away teams like this, so I am trying not to get my hopes up.

The Terrapin defense looks like they could give up yards to a Husker offense that is firing on most cylinders, but we have yet to see that. Will we see the Dedrick Mills who averaged 11.1 yards/carry vs the Badgers or will we see a game plan that gets away from that? Will we see decisive Adrian Martinez or the one who hesitates (we’ll probably see both – how much of each will likely decide the efficiency of the offense).

Numbers, Statistics and Lies: Wisconsin Edition - Corn Nation nevin manimala

What did you see in the numbers? Let me know in the comments!

statistics; +644 new citations

statistics; +644 new citations Report, nevin manimala
statistics; +644 new citations Report, nevin manimala

Williams JJ, Drew JC, Galindo-Gonzalez S, Robic S, Dinsdale E, Morgan WR, Triplett EW, Burnette JM 3rd, Donovan SS, Fowlks ER, Goodman AL, Grandgenett NF, Goller CC, Hauser C, Jungck JR, Newman JD, Pearson WR, Ryder EF, Sierk M, Smith TM, Tosado-Acevedo R, Tapprich W, Tobin TC, Toro-Martínez A, Welch LR, Wilson MA, Ebenbach D, McWilliams M, Rosenwald AG, Pauley MA.

PLoS One. 2019 Nov 18;14(11):e0224288. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0224288. eCollection 2019.

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19 Surprising Baby Name Statistics – HuffPost

19 Surprising Baby Name Statistics - HuffPost nevin manimala
19 Surprising Baby Name Statistics - HuffPost nevin manimala

Baby name popularity lists usually aren’t too shocking, with recent favorites like Emma, Noah and Liam consistently dominating over the past five years.

But if you look closer at the Social Security Administration’s name data, there are still some interesting ― and at times unexpected ― insights. From the rise of less traditional names like Maverick and Axel to the decline of old favorites like Edward and Jason, here are 19 baby name statistics that may surprise you.

1. Maverick is more popular than Adam.

In 2018, 5,014 baby boys were named Maverick, making it the 73rd most popular choice for boys. Meanwhile, Adam ranked at No. 78, with 4,675 newborn baby Adams.

2. Brooklyn is more popular than Anna.

The famous New York City borough of Brooklyn is also a Top 50 baby name for girls, with 4,611 little Brooklyns born in 2018. The name currently ranks at No. 47, seven places higher than Anna, which is No. 54. Last year, 4,145 baby girls were named Anna.

3. Oaklynn is one of the fastest-rising names for girls.

Speaking of lyn- and lynn-ending names, Oaklynn rose from No. 888 in 2017 to 542 in 2018. Last year, 572 baby girls were named Oaklynn.

4. Axel is more popular than Edward.

Despite the influence of “Twilight” character names, Edward is not in the Top 100. The name ranks at No. 169 ― below less traditional names like No. 94, Axel, which went to 4,055 newborn boys in 2018. That same year, only 2,268 boys were named Edward.

5. The SSA has tracked more than 4,000 more names for girls than for boys.

The SSA’s baby names data includes every name given to at least five baby boys or girls in a given year. The 2018 list includes 18,029 girl names and 14,004 boy names ― suggesting that parents are more likely to get creative with their daughters’ names.

6. Fewer than 100 girls were named Tracy, Gretchen or Justine, respectively, last year.

In 2018, there were 78 newborn baby girls named Tracy, 96 Gretchens and 81 Justines. All three fell out of the Top 1,000 rankings in the first decade of the 2000s.

7. Genesis is more popular than Lauren.

Genesis is the 57th most popular name for girls, while Lauren is No. 171. In 2018, 4,068 baby girls were named Genesis, and there were only 1,696 newborn Laurens. Genesis was also the fastest-rising name for boys from 2017 to 2018, when it rose 608 spots from No. 1,592 to 984.

8. Kairo is one of the fastest-rising names for boys.

Kairo rose 321 places from 2017 to 2018, from No. 803 to 482. Cairo with a ‘C’ has never reached the Top 1,000.

9. Raelynn is more popular than Alexandra.

With 2,599 baby girls named Raelynn in 2018, the name ranks at No. 115. That makes Raelynn more popular than the classic Alexandra, which ranked at No. 125 and went to 2,394 baby girls last year ― as well as former top names like Mary (now No. 126 ― 2,327 in 2018) and Margaret (No. 127 ― 2,312).

10. Aurora is the top name for girls in Alaska.

The SSA’s breakdowns show that the national top names like Emma, Olivia and Ava tend to dominate on the state level, but there are some outliers. One is Aurora, which ranks at No. 44 nationally but was the most popular name for girls in Alaska last year.

11. Elsa is one of the fastest-declining names for girls.

Despite the overwhelming success of “Frozen,” Elsa’s baby name boost did not last long. The name peaked in 2014 at No. 286 but has been rapidly declining ever since. Elsa dropped 202 places from 686 in 2017 to 888 in 2018. Perhaps “Frozen 2″ will give it another bump, however.

12. Angel is more popular than Jason.

Jason peaked at No. 2 in the 1970s, but now it’s down to No. 100, with 3,847 baby Jasons born in 2018. By contrast, Angel ranks at No. 72, with 5,032 boy Angels born last year.

13. Grayson is the top name for boys in South Dakota.

While Grayson is No. 32 in the U.S. as a whole, it was the No. 1 name for boys in the state of South Dakota in 2018.

14. Dior is one of the fastest-rising names for girls.

The name Dior entered the Top 1,000 list for the first time in 2018 at No. 792 ― rising 566 places from No. 1,358 in 2017.

15. Fewer than 200 boys were named Ross, Perry or Bernard last year.

In 2018, there were 174 newborn baby boys named Ross, 133 named Perry and 165 Bernards. By 2013, all three had fallen out of the Top 1,000 rankings.

16. Serenity is more popular than Julia.

Serenity didn’t enter the Top 1,000 until 1997 and has risen over the years to No. 76 in 2018, with 3,517 baby girls named Serenity that year. The older classic, Julia, has fallen to No. 93, with only 2,989 baby Julias born last year.

17. Only about 300 baby girls were named Brittany last year.

Brittany was the third most popular name for girls in 1989, 1990 and 1991, but now it’s down to No. 879. Only 305 baby girls were named Brittany in 2018. There were 116 Britneys.

18. Craig is one of the fastest-declining names for boys.

While the list of declining names for boys includes less traditional choices and spellings like Maxton and Dilan, it’s notable that Craig was the third most declined from 2017 to 2018. Craig dropped from 985 to 1188, with only 159 baby boys named Craig last year.

19. Roman is more popular than Justin.

In 2018, 4,364 baby boys were named Roman, making it the 85th most popular boy name. Meanwhile, Justin is down at No. 141, with 2,787 newborn Justins in 2018.

Video Release: Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 – Lying With Statistics – Yahoo Finance

Video Release: Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 - Lying With Statistics - Yahoo Finance nevin manimala

<p class="canvas-atom canvas-text Mb(1.0em) Mb(0)–sm Mt(0.8em)–sm" type="text" content="VANCOUVER , Nov. 18, 2019 /CNW/ – SENSE BC and videographer Chris Thompson are pleased to announce the release of Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 – Lying With Statistics (SKYP2). &nbsp;Six years ago the viral hit Speed Kills Your Pocketbook&nbsp;attracted nearly two million views and received international recognition for its humorous and effective expose of traffic enforcement in British Columbia . &nbsp;The second video delves more deeply into the messaging and promotion behind recent road safety changes.” data-reactid=”11″>VANCOUVER , Nov. 18, 2019 /CNW/ – SENSE BC and videographer Chris Thompson are pleased to announce the release of Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 – Lying With Statistics (SKYP2).  Six years ago the viral hit Speed Kills Your Pocketbook attracted nearly two million views and received international recognition for its humorous and effective expose of traffic enforcement in British Columbia .  The second video delves more deeply into the messaging and promotion behind recent road safety changes.

<p class="canvas-atom canvas-text Mb(1.0em) Mb(0)–sm Mt(0.8em)–sm" type="text" content="Subsequent to the original Speed Kills Your Pocketbook released in 2013, the BC government raised speed limits on some 1,300 km of British Columbia highways. &nbsp;Weak reporting of government and anti-motor-vehicle activist-driven research, coupled with a new government dealing with mounting losses at ICBC, was followed by half of those increases being rolled back (importantly: half remained) in spite of data which did not support many of those rollbacks.” data-reactid=”12″>Subsequent to the original Speed Kills Your Pocketbook released in 2013, the BC government raised speed limits on some 1,300 km of British Columbia highways.  Weak reporting of government and anti-motor-vehicle activist-driven research, coupled with a new government dealing with mounting losses at ICBC, was followed by half of those increases being rolled back (importantly: half remained) in spite of data which did not support many of those rollbacks.

SKYP2 – Lying With Statistics is a compelling and humorous 24 minute expose of the shortcomings, omissions, and biases inherent in the stories and themes relied upon to justify recent road safety policy changes, enforcement campaigns, and massive fine increases.

Chris Thompson commented: “The public in BC should be concerned about how the government and news agencies manipulate and misreport statistics, demonize vehicles, and advance the war on drivers while driving continues to become safer.  In BC, 150,000 of 350,000 crashes (42%) each year occur in parking lots.  Of the crashes that occur on roads, 59% are in intersections.  Yet speeding and stationary cell phone tickets remain the top obsessions of ICBC and police.”

Demonizing vehicles – a mode of transportation both widely used and needed by many across the province – has become commonplace with the rise of cyclist and pedestrian advocates supporting the Vision Zero agenda.  These well-funded advocates seek to impose, upon the entire province, a lifestyle driven by their privilege of being able to live within practical walking and cycling range of their work and community amenities.   This remains unrealistic for much of the geography and climate in BC, families with active children, those without reasonable transit options, and many others.

Driving should be about the safe, efficient movement of passengers and goods, and not about revenue generation for the government.

<p class="canvas-atom canvas-text Mb(1.0em) Mb(0)–sm Mt(0.8em)–sm" type="text" content="The video is on our homepage at: sensebc.org or from Six7Films. &nbsp;The video is being released simultaneously in French.&nbsp; A director’s cut with commentary will follow.” data-reactid=”17″>The video is on our homepage at: sensebc.org or from Six7Films.  The video is being released simultaneously in French.  A director’s cut with commentary will follow.

SOURCE Sense BC

Video Release: Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 - Lying With Statistics - Yahoo Finance nevin manimala

Video Release: Speed Kills Your Pocketbook 2 - Lying With Statistics - Yahoo Finance nevin manimala

<p class="canvas-atom canvas-text Mb(1.0em) Mb(0)–sm Mt(0.8em)–sm" type="text" content="View original content: http://www.newswire.ca/en/releases/archive/November2019/18/c7781.html” data-reactid=”27″>View original content: http://www.newswire.ca/en/releases/archive/November2019/18/c7781.html

statistics; +52 new citations

statistics; +52 new citations Report, nevin manimala
statistics; +52 new citations Report, nevin manimala

Leonardi MC, Tomio L, Radice D, Takanen S, Bonzano E, Alessandro M, Ciabattoni A, Ivaldi GB, Bagnardi V, Alessandro O, Francia CM, Fodor C, Miglietta E, Veronesi P, Galimberti VE, Orecchia R, Tagliaferri L, Vidali C, Massaccesi M, Guenzi M, Jereczek-Fossa BA; Study Groups “Brachytherapy, Interventional Radiotherapy and Intraoperative Radiotherapy” and “Reirradiation” of the Italian Radiotherapy and Clinical Oncology Society (AIRO).

Ann Surg Oncol. 2019 Nov 15. doi: 10.1245/s10434-019-08075-3. [Epub ahead of print]

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Policing Statistics Silence the Most Vulnerable People – Truthout

Policing Statistics Silence the Most Vulnerable People - Truthout nevin manimala
Policing Statistics Silence the Most Vulnerable People - Truthout nevin manimala

Nearly three-quarters of Black Americans say it’s common for police to arrest people for crimes they didn’t commit. Less than half feel police do a good job of protecting people from crime. Two-thirds say officers who break the law get away with it.

Studies have long shown how law enforcement in the U.S. treats Black people worse than the rest of their fellow citizens. But the facts on the ground are even worse. Reports typically average out all the responses from Black people, flattening them into a single number meant to represent “Black opinion.” But police treat some Black people far worse than others.

A small minority of Black Americans bear the brunt of both police power and crime itself, but those people’s experiences — their expertise — gets lost in the data. Black trans women’s experiences are erased when counted alongside those of cisgender people. Young Black people are outnumbered by their elders. The voices of the most vulnerable Black people — like teenagers and trans women — go unheard.

Black Americans are actually far more divided on policing than whites. Monolithic statistics hide the division, and silence the most marginalized Black people.

A History of Racism: Gender, Age and Class Matter, Too

In the 1930s in Atlanta, Georgia, white liberals and Black conservatives began working together to get the city to hire Black police officers. White police treated all Black Atlantans equally badly, no matter their social standing. Black police, the thinking went, would be able to discern the different socioeconomic classes of Black people, explained James Forman in his acclaimed book, Locking Up Our Own. The so-called lowliest might continue to be mistreated, but Black elites would finally be respected for their elevated social and economic class.

In the decades that followed, the U.S. criminal legal system continued to treat Black people worse than their white counterparts. But narratives that universalized Black people’s experiences missed critical differences. As mass incarceration exploded in the ‘80s and ‘90s, for example, Black men who didn’t finish high school got locked up at soaring rates. But during those same years, Black men who attended college actually saw their odds of incarceration decrease slightly, Forman wrote.

Black people, overall, are victimized by violent crime much more often than whites, but the details, again, are more complicated. The poorest Black people endure the most violence; the youngest do, too. But there’s a troublingly lack of data that digs deeper. We know little, for example, about how the intersection of race, age and class affect someone’s odds of being a victim of violence — like how much poor Black kids get victimized compared to their better-off peers. Without more detailed data, the most vulnerable people’s experiences get lumped in with everyone else’s, and are drowned out.

Back in 1998, researchers published one of the few criminal justice studies to look at multiple demographic factors at once: on how the race, age and gender of defendants in Pennsylvania influenced the way judges sentenced them. In general, Black people got longer sentences than white people for similar crimes, but defendants’ age and gender had a huge impact, too. Judges punished young Black men much more harshly than white ones, but the discrepancy gradually shrank with age. The study found that 50-year-old Black and white men received roughly the same sentences. Meanwhile, judges punished Black women more than white women, by a similar degree, at every age. Courts, unfortunately, don’t track defendants’ economic class.

Lack of Data on Some of the Most Vulnerable People

Data on the smaller subgroups of Black Americans is even harder to come by. For example, research shows that people with untreated mental illness are 16 times more likely to be killed by police, but there’s almost no study of the policing of Black people with mental illness in particular. That’s not surprising. U.S. society has long been quick to label Black people “mentally ill” if they dissented against white society (back in the 19th century, enslaved people who tried to escape were diagnosed with “drapetomania”) but less willing to acknowledge and offer support for actual mental health problems in Black communities.

Police sexual violence also remains largely unseen and unaddressed. Andrea J. Ritchie’s 2017 book, Invisible No More, documents the ongoing failure to even study (let alone confront) the sexual violence and harassment police inflict. The little data there is points to a silent tidal wave of abuse. In New York City, for example, Ritchie notes that almost 40 percent of young women said police had sexually harassed them, and Black women were dramatically overrepresented.

The dearth of data and the lack of action, when it comes to police-perpetrated sexual violence, may stem in part from society’s relative indifference toward its victims. Young cisgender and trans Black women are disproportionately victimized by sexual violence by the police, and those who do sex work are particularly vulnerable, because officers can use the threat of the law to extort money and sex from them. In fact, young women who do sex work face more violence from police officers than pimps, clients, or any other source, Ritchie writes.

Police also abuse Black trans women in specific, acute ways. In New Orleans, about 60 percent of transgender women of color — mostly Black trans women — said a police officer had asked them “for a sexual favor,” a 2014 study found. Roughly half told researchers they had called police for help, only to be arrested themselves. Young Black trans women and girls are murdered at one of the highest rates of any population group in this country.

Who Wants More Cops?

In recent years, surveys have found that the vast majority of Black Americans want to maintain or even increase the police presence in their neighborhood. Many distrust police, or even fear them, but only 10 to 15 percent of Black people in the U.S. actually want fewer police in their daily lives, according to these data. Some pundits cite these stats as proof that law enforcement remains a valued pillar of Black communities, and that even amid outrage over racial profiling and police murder, Black people “want” to be policed.

But the meaning of those surveys is less than clear. Some Black Americans may oppose cuts to policing because they believe the government won’t provide their neighborhoods with any alternative way of maintaining some public order. In Locking Up Our Own, Forman chronicles how many Black officials called for both more law enforcement and more resources to address the root causes of crime, like poverty and racism. But they only ever got the funding for law enforcement. Black Americans might rightly think they aren’t choosing between policing and anti-poverty initiatives. They’re probably choosing between policing and nothing at all.

The 10 to 15 percent of Black Americans also loom large, especially because we don’t know much about them. A small subgroup of Black people suffers disproportionately from policing. But their experiences count for little in studies of “Black opinion.” Black trans women’s views, for example, effectively do not exist when it comes to official data. Black kids’ experiences literally don’t matter — surveys on criminal justice reliably exclude people under 18 years old, even though Black kids are among the most endangered people in the country.

The most vulnerable people have the most at stake in questions of law and order. They are less represented by the data — often, they are not even surveyed — but their views matter the most. When studies merely tally up their responses alongside everyone else’s, or do not tally them at all, they erase them. This erasure misrepresents the range of opinions among Black communities. If we are to take “Black opinion” into account when creating public policy, we have to have better data, and ensure that we are centering the perspectives of the most marginalized Black people.